April 1999.......
HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES
RED ONION STATE PRISON
Super-Maximum Security Confinement in Virginia
"The day I arrived I was...told that I was at Red Onion now and if I act up
they would kill me and there was nothing anyone could or would do about it."
.........Inmate Statement to Human Rights Watch
I. SUMMARY
II. RECOMMENDATIONS
III. RED ONION STATE PRISON: BACKGROUND
IV. A DAY IN THE LIFE: BASIC CONDITIONS AT RED ONION
General Population
Segregation
Mentally Ill Inmates
V. ADMISSION AND RELEASE
VI. THE USE OF SEGREGATION
VII. STAFF-PRISONER RELATIONS
VIII. USE OF FORCE
Firearms
Misuse of Electronic Stun Devices and Other Abuses
I. SUMMARY
The treatment of inmates at Red Onion State Prison, Virginia's first
super-maximum security facility, raises serious human rights
concerns. 1 The Virginia Department of Corrections is responsible
for safely and humanely confining all its inmates, even those deemed
to be violent, disruptive or to pose other security risks. Like many
corrections departments across the country, Virginia?s has endorsed
the confinement of purportedly dangerous inmates in extremely
restrictive, highly controlled facilities. Absent thoughtful leadership
and careful policies, the potential for human rights abuses at
such supermax facilities is great. At Red Onion, unfortunately,
the Virginia Department of Corrections has failed to embrace
basic
tenets of sound correctional practice and laws protecting inmates
from abusive, degrading or cruel treatment:
The Virginia Department of Corrections (DOC) is assigning to Red
Onion men who are not the incorrigibly dangerous for whom super-maximum
security confinement may be warranted. Inmates who pose no extreme
security or safety risk are subjected to unnecessarily restrictive
controls and are arbitrarily deprived of the activities and freedoms
available ordinarily even in maximum security prisons. In a blatant
effort to fill large super-maximum security facilities whose capacity
exceeds the state?s needs, officials are apparently planning to dilute
even further the criteria for admission to Red Onion and its
newly-opened twin, Wallens Ridge State Prison.
Prison staff use force unnecessarily, excessively, and dangerously.
Inmates are fired at with shotguns and have been injured for minor
misconduct, non-threatening errors, or just behavior that guards have
misinterpreted. These inmate actions should?and in most other prisons
would?be handled by staff without weapons. Although physical force
is never justifiable as punishment, inmates at Red Onion report staff?s
punitive use of electric shock stun devices.
Conditions at the facility are unnecessarily harsh and degrading.
General population inmates are confined in their cells more than
twenty hours a day. In segregation, inmates are isolated twenty-three
hours a day. All are subjected to remarkable levels of control and
forced to live in oppressive and counterproductive idleness, denied
educational, behavioral, vocational and work programs and religious
services. These conditions exceed reasonable security precautions for
inmates who have not engaged in chronically violent or dangerous
behavior behind bars.
Correctional officers and other prison staff threaten inmates with
abuse and subject them to racist remarks, derogatory language and other
demeaning and harassing conduct. Facility administrators and
supervisory staff appear to condone such unprofessional
conduct.
It is politically fashionable in many places to disregard mistreatment
of inmates and to assume criminals by their conduct have forfeited all
claim to public concern. Human Rights Watch (HRW) believes the public?and
officials who are its servants should not tolerate abusive treatment of
prisoners solely because they have committed crimes against others.
As one inmate at Red Onion wrote to HRW, I don't pretend that prisoners
are saints. Most can be real idiots, but their idiocy doesn't justify
abuse, physical or mental. 2 We agree. Inmates must be treated with
respect for their dignity as human beings and for their fundamental rights,
whatever their crimes. Sound correctional practice mandates such treatment,
as it is essential to safe, orderly and humane prisons. But it is also
required by international human rights treaties signed by the United
States and binding on state as well as federal officials.
Even if it is politically difficult, state officials and elected
representatives have a duty not to condone abusive prison conditions.
The concerns raised about Red Onion warrant careful investigation and
full disclosure. The public should be fully informed about policies
and practices at Red Onion as at any prison?and should be able to subject
them to critique and debate. Unfortunately, the DOC uses the walls of
Red Onion to keep the public out, as well as prisoners in. It routinely
denies the press access to facility staff and provides scant information
about practices and policies there.
In March it denied Human Rights Watch permission to tour Red Onion and
to interview staff. The DOC claimed that security considerations precluded
it from granting Human Rights Watch access to Red Onion. Security, however,
has not prevented other state and the federal corrections departments
from permitting Human Rights Watch access to their super-maximum security
facilities. When pressed to justify his refusal, Director of Corrections
Ronald Angelone simply asserted to Human Rights Watch in a telephone
conversation that permitting us to tour Red Onion was not in the
state?s ?best interest. He insisted that since Red Onion was
operated consistent with state and federal law, there was no need for
scrutiny by an independent human rights organization. The secretary
of public safety, who has authority over the DOC, never responded to
our letter of February 22, 1999 requesting reconsideration of Angelone?s
decision.
We believe Mr. Angelone interprets the state's interests too narrowly.
As detailed below, there are many aspects of the facility that warrant
public concern. Moreover, openness to scrutiny, information-sharing and
engaging in informed, constructive discussions about policies and
procedures are indispensable to continual improvement of operations in
corrections as in any other public endeavor. The unwillingness to let
Human Rights Watch tour Red Onion, coupled with the DOC's notorious
reluctance to give the press access to the facility and its inmates,3
suggests the DOC is uncomfortable in letting the public acquire a fuller
picture of operations there.
This report reflects our attempt to give the public some of that fuller
picture about certain aspects of conditions at Red Onion. Our description
is based on communication with inmates and their families, information from
the DOC and from press accounts and other public sources. Unfortunately,
it is incomplete and despite our best efforts may fail to reflect all
conditions accurately, because the DOC has prevented us from directly
observing the facility and has also refused to provide some of the
information we requested. 4
II. RECOMMENDATIONS
There is great potential for misuse of authority and abuse in super-maximum
security facilities. Informed and principled leadership and oversight
can mitigate these dangers. We call on Virginia to demonstrate its commitment
to respect international human rights in the operation of Red Onion.
Specifically, we recommend:
1) Use of Force
The governor should establish a committee of experts in the use of force
in prisons who are independent of the DOC to review use of force at
Red Onion and to make recommendations based on their findings. The review
should include an assessment of existing use of force policies, including
the advisability and need to have firearms within the prison perimeter;
training received by staff in use of force policies; the existence of
adequate guidance for staff in appropriate use of force; and the extent
to which internal investigation and disciplinary procedures are effective
in controlling improper use of force. The committee should also review each
incident in which weapons were discharged at Red Onion to ascertain
whether the use of force was justified. Results of the independent
review should be provided to the DOC, the governor and the legislature
and the public.
2) Assignment to Red Onion
The DOC should not subject inmates to more restrictive conditions than
is reasonably necessary for their safe, secure and humane confinement.
Inmates should not be assigned to Level 6 (super-maximum security
confinement) unless they have demonstrated that they are chronically
violent or assaultive, present a serious escape risk, have demonstrated
a capacity to incite disturbances or otherwise pose a serious and present
danger to the orderly operation of a less secure institution.
Length of sentence alone should not be the basis for assignment to a Level
6 facility.
Inmates who maintain good conduct for one year (or a shorter fixed period)
should be eligible for transfer to a less secure facility absent
particularized and serious security concerns. Decisions to retain
inmates at Red Onion should be reviewed by central headquarters staff.
If an inmate is retained at Red Onion, he should be given the reasons
for that decision and told of specific steps he can take to secure a
future transfer.
3) Public Reporting
The DOC should produce annually, and make available to the public, a
statistical analysis of inmates at Red Onion and their security scores.
For all inmates held at Red Onion who do not have the designated security
score stipulated in DOC criteria for assignment to a level 6 facility or
for whom the discretionary overrides have increased their security level
by more than one level, the DOC should provide a detailed explanation of
the reasons for placement at Red Onion (with inmate names withheld for
privacy reasons).
4) Segregation
Specific criteria for placement in segregation at Red Onion should be
established and communicated to inmates. Decisions regarding placement
in and release from segregation should be reviewed by central administration
staff to minimize the potential for arbitrariness and abuse and to
demonstrate the seriousness of such placements. After a fixed period
of good conduct, e.g. six months, inmates should be released from
administrative segregation unless there is a specific finding, based on
objective factors and following a hearing, that the inmate continues to
constitute a serious danger to prison safety and security.
If inmates are segregated for their own safety, they should be provided
the same privileges, programs and activities as
general population inmates.
5) Programs, Privileges and Security
The DOC should carefully scrutinize policies regarding programs and
privileges and routine security procedures for inmates to determine
the extent to which the harsh regimen at Red Onion can be ameliorated
without jeopardizing legitimate security considerations. It should
implement a system of increased programs and privileges and diminished
security controls for inmates who maintain good behavior.
Programs should be implemented that will increase the humaneness of
confinement at Red Onion and that will promote inmates? ability to be
placed in a less restrictive facility and to adjust to prison life.
Educational, vocational, behavioral, substance abuse, religious and other
programming should be instituted consistent with
legitimate security purposes.
6) Mental Health
The DOC should establish policies excluding from prolonged confinement
in super-maximum security facilities inmates who suffer from serious
mental illnesses. It should review the treatment of mentally ill inmates
at Red Onion and take necessary steps to ensure they are provided adequate
care and that all inmates receive the mental health screening and monitoring
that is appropriate in extended control facilities.
7) Staff Issues
Red Onion staff should be trained in and continually reminded of the
importance of proper, respectful treatment of inmates. Abusive conduct
and displays of racism by staff, including derogatory remarks, should
not be tolerated.
8) Public Access
Red Onion should be as accessible to the public as security permits.
Policies should be established to grant the press, independent citizen
groups and other members of the public ready access to Red Onion?s
warden to discuss conditions at the facility and should facilitate their
ability to quickly secure interviews with inmates. Documents reflecting
conditions at Red Onion should be readily available to the public, even
if disclosure is not required under Virginia law. Information should be
withheld only if its release would jeopardize security and with names
deleted to protect privacy interests.
III. RED ONION STATE PRISON: BACKGROUND
In the mid-1990s, as part of a massive prison building effort launched by
then-Governor George Allen, the DOC decided to construct two 1,200-bed
facilities to house the state's most dangerous criminals, inmates who require
extraordinary security measures. The first of the two identical
super-maximum security facilities to come on line, Red Onion State
Prison, located in remote Wise County, began accepting inmates in August
1998 and currently holds approximately 1,000.
5 Ceremonies to inaugurate
its twin, Wallens Ridge State Prison in Big Stone Gap, were held on April
9, 1999. Both facilities are Level 6, the most secure in the DOC?s prison
system. Little information was ever provided to the public to substantiate
the projected existence of 2,400 chronically dangerous inmates in Virginia.
The idea of supermax prisons was appealing?or at least tacitly
unquestioned?in a tough on crime? political climate in which parole
was abolished and sentences lengthened.
In constructing Red Onion and Wallens Ridge, Virginia participated in a
national trend. Across the country, corrections departments have chosen
to create special super-maximum security facilities for the confinement
of dangerous or disruptive prisoners.
Traditional prisons have had cells or units in which inmates who were repeat
or very serious violators of critical institutional rules could be isolated
and segregated from the general population. An inmate might be segregated
either as punishment following a disciplinary hearing (disciplinary
segregation, in Virginia called isolation) or segregated administratively
as a management measure for an indefinite period until authorities believed
he could be safely returned to general population
(administrative segregation).
Although administrative segregation ostensibly
is not a punitive measure, conditions have been
almost invariably as harsh and restrictive as in
disciplinary segregation.
Nowadays, segregation of inmates who engage in assaultive, dangerous,
disruptive or escape-related or predatory behavior behind bars increasingly
takes place in super-maximum security facilities, of which there are
thirty-six in the U.S., including two in Virginia. Assignment to these
uniquely restrictive facilities is ordinarily not based on the inmate?s
underlying offense but on his conduct behind bars. Although conditions and
policies vary somewhat from facility to facility, their common characteristics
are extreme social isolation, reduced environmental stimulation, scant
recreational, vocational, or educational opportunities and extraordinary
levels of surveillance and control.
Proliferation of these supermax prisons reflects in part the belief of
some corrections professionals that they are necessary to prevent serious
misconduct by the worst of the worst? in their inmate population and that
concentrating dangerous inmates away from the rest of the prison population
makes it possible to provide safer, more secure
facilities elsewhere.
But supermax prisons also play a symbolic role. Their highly restrictive
nature is appealing in a conservative climate in which retribution is
the principal response to crime. Unfortunately, this attitude can make it
easy to uncritically embrace harsh conditions and policies that are in
fact not justified by legitimate security needs or other penological purposes.
It encourages or condones supermax placement of inmates who do not in
fact require such restrictive controls for their proper management. It
also can promote an indifference or blind eye to abusive conduct and a
failure to adequately supervise staff and hold them
accountable for abuse.
There is considerable debate even within the corrections profession over
the cost, cost-benefit, operating and ethical/moral issues raised by
super-maximum security confinement. The constitutionality of supermax
isolation and other extreme restrictions remains unclear.
6 Super-maximum
security confinement also raises important human rights questions.7
Governments must respect the inherent dignity and basic rights of all
people, including inmates. The United States has ratified international
human rights treaties that are binding on state as well as federal
officials. These treaties, including the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention against Torture
(CAT), prohibit the abuse of prisoners, including treatment that
constitutes torture or is cruel, inhuman or degrading. Additional
international documents, including the United Nations Standard Minimum
Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (Standard Minimum Rules), provide
authoritative guidance on how governments may comply with their human
rights obligations with regard to prisoners. While super-maximum
security confinement does not automatically violate protected human
rights, it can if conditions are unnecessarily harsh, if prisoners are
unnecessarily subjected to them, or if periods of solitary confinement
are unduly long. Deprivations that are disproportionate to reasonable
correctional goals are inconsistent with the fundamental touchstone of
all human rights?respect for the inherent dignity of all human beings.
Physical abuse e.g. corporal punishment in the form of beatings or
unjustified violence?is prohibited in a supermax as in
any prison.
IV. A DAY IN THE LIFE: BASIC CONDITIONS AT RED ONION
Red Onion houses inmates in both general population? and segregation.8
Regardless of which category an inmate is in, he spends most of the day in
a small cell: general population inmates spend about 140 out of 168 hours
in a week confined to their cells; segregation inmates spend 162? hours so
confined. Inmates in general population are held two to a cell.9
In segregation they are single-celled.
The cells at Red Onion contain steel slabs with a thin mattress for a bed;
a steel desk and shelf and a toilet/sink combination. They have solid
metal doors with tray slots for passing food and handcuffing inmates and
a piece of glass for viewing. The cells are configured so that inmates
cannot see each other from their cells. Communication of sorts is possible
by yelling. Each cell has a single narrow window that cannot be opened but
which allows some natural light to enter. Windows facing the parking
lots of the facility have been treated so inmates cannot see out. Inmates
cannot regulate the lights in their cells. The lights shine sixteen hours
a day. At night, they are reduced to a dim glow that is, according to
inmates, bright enough to read by. The two inmates in each cell
in general population share one electrical outlet.
Guards armed with shotguns are stationed inside the perimeter of the prison.
There are gunports overlooking the recreation yard and in the housing units.
Virginia?s use of firearms is atypical: most states rely ?on higher numbers
of staff as their primary means of physical control, supplemented by a
variety of nonlethal weapons.? 10
General Population
Conditions for general population inmates at Red Onion are remarkably harsh
and restrictive, far more so than at maximum security facilities. Inmates
are stringently limited in their movement, social interaction, access to
programs and ability to make ordinary day-to-day choices. Certain aspects
of Red Onion are, however, an improvement over supermax prisons elsewhere:
inmates are allowed recreation in limited groups and
also to eat together.
General population inmates are locked in the cramped cells twenty hours or
more a day with another person. Double-celling exacerbates the strain of
living in confinement most of the day and increases tension between inmates.
Inmates find it difficult to spend most of their waking (and sleeping)
hours in close quarters with a stranger.
11 The lack of privacy is unrelenting.
The men find it humiliating to use the toilet in the presence of another
person. 12 Double-celling is also inconsistent with the premise that inmates at
Red Onion are so dangerous or violent that they cannot be safely confined
elsewhere. If they are dangerous, how
can it be safe to confine them in
a small cell with another person? We do not know if DOC officials screen
inmates placed in double cells to reduce the potential for conflict and
violence.
Inmates in general population are allowed out of their cells, one
housing pod at a time, to eat in the mess hall. They are also allowed
outside their cells in limited groups for one hour of outside recreation
in a bare yard with a basketball hoop and one hour of indoor recreation
daily. There is little or no athletic or sports equipment. The recreation
yard is supervised by officers armed with shotguns. Inmates are also
allowed to leave their cells three times a week for ten-minute showers.
The showers do not have curtains or doors; inmates are thus forced to
involuntarily expose their genitals to female staff as well as other
men when they shower.
Maintaining contact with families is extremely difficult for prisoners
at Red Onion. They are allowed two fifteen-minute calls per month if
the privilege has not been removed because of misconduct. Telephone
calls must be collect and are expensive, posing a financial burden for
the mostly low-income families of inmates. Prisoners are allowed four
two-hour non-contact visits per month. The amount of visiting time is
particularly meager given that most inmates at Red Onion come from areas
that are hours away. 13 Inmates and their families visit in a small cubicle
with a solid glass partition between them; conversation is through an
intercom phone. During visits inmates are in leg shackles and waist chain,
with one hand free.
Personal property is extremely limited, and only small quantities of
reading material are permitted in the cells. Publications are permitted
only with prior approval and only if purchased from an inmate?s prison
account. A family, for example, cannot give their son a subscription to
Time magazine. Prison rejection of reading material is hard to fathom.
One inmate has been denied Plowshares newsletter, a Catholic devotional
booklet Living Faith, and an alternative newspaper, the New River Free
Press. Incoming letters can be of any length, but there is a maximum of
ten pages allowed for photocopied enclosures, which restricts an inmate?s
ability to receive information and maintain contact with the outside
world. 14
Inmates at Red Onion are denied the group and individual programs and
activities available in most prisons, even though the DOC's policies
acknowledge the importance of programming at all facilities. According
to Division of Institutions Operating Procedure (DOP) 832, programming
at Red Onion should promote inmates? appropriate in-prison behaviors and
coping skills and identify their inappropriate maladaptive behaviors.
Programming may have the result of helping inmates develop positive,
stable behavior records for eventual transition to a lower level
facility. 15 The policy identifies appropriate programming to
include anger management, substance abuse, wellness, behavior
management, impulse control, and basic academic programming. Seven
months after Red Onion opened, most inmates? days are marked by
forced idleness. The DOC told HRW in March that they were working on
developing programs.
Currently, the only educational program available to inmates are GED (
high school equivalency) courses over the television. There are no group
religious services or activities. Religious programs are also, apparently,
limited to some television tapes.16 There are no vocational or skill
training programs. Indeed, the physical plant of the facility contains
no space for classrooms or workshops. Job opportunities are few, e.g.,
kitchen duty, sweeping housing units, cleaning showers. After seven
months, the library is not yet operating.
Red Onion may lack programs because Director of Corrections Ron Angelone
is dismissive of rehabilitation: What are they going
to be rehabilitated
for? To die gracefully in prison? 17 Such comments may please part of
the political spectrum, but they ignore several realities. Many Red Onion
inmates will not be dying in prison. According to the Washington Post,
one in five are scheduled for release in the next ten years.18
Rehabilitation programs serve the DOC's mission of promoting safe and
orderly prisons. And, finally, rehabilitation is mandated by respect
for the fundamental dignity of each inmate?whatever
his crime. 19
Segregation
Segregation is the modern form of solitary confinement; segregated
inmates are almost completely deprived of the commonplace incidents and
routines of prison life. In theory, administrative segregation is not
a punitive measure. In practice, it can only be described as punishing.
The more than 20020 segregated inmates at Red Onion live in conditions
designed to impose long-term social isolation and restricted environmental
stimulation. Their world is austere, cramped and claustrophobic.
Security procedures imposed on all inmates in segregation exceed those
reasonably necessary for safety; their real purpose may be simply to
intimidate and degrade. Prisoners? minimal physical requirements?food,
shelter, clothing, warmth are met, but little more. The facility offers
nothing but bleak isolation to encourage or enable an inmate to return
to general population or to enhance his ability to live peaceably once he
has.
With minor exceptions, all of a segregated prisoner?s waking hours are
circumscribed within the four walls of his cell. He is fed in his cell,
the food brought on a tray that is pushed through the door slot. He is
allowed to leave his cell to shower three times a week. And he is permitted
one hour of out-of-cell recreation five days a week. All the recreation
is outside, rain or shine. Inmates are not provided with (or allowed to
use their own) gloves or hats in cold weather nor to come inside early if
the weather turns bad while they are out. The recreation yard is surrounded
by two-story-high concrete walls and covered with a chain link grate.
In an important departure from the practice at many super-maximum
security facilities, at Red Onion segregated inmates are allowed to spend
recreation period together three at a time. This interrupts the otherwise
unrelenting isolation. Inmates in segregation are also allowed to leave
their cells for visits.
Every time an inmate in segregation leaves his cell he is subjected to
extreme security measures. First he must strip, permit a visual search
of his body (opening his mouth, lifting his genitals, bending over and
spreading his buttocks), and hand his uniform out the food slot to be
checked. After dressing, he backs up to the door, extends his hands through
the cuff slot and is cuffed. Shackles are then placed on his legs, and a
lead is attached. Two officers then escort the inmate to recreation, the
shower or wherever he is being taken, one holding the lead and one holding
an electronic stun device (an Ultron II) against the inmate?s body.
The cuffs and shackles are removed for recreation and showers and then
replaced to return the inmate to his cell. These extensive security
measures are taken even for inmates with no records of violence and,
apparently, will be utilized for however long an inmate is kept in
segregation, regardless of his good conduct. 21
Nurses employed by a private contractor make rounds in segregation every
day, speaking with inmates through the cell doors to determine if medical
attention is needed. A visit with a doctor cannot be scheduled unless
the nurse decides it is necessary. If a doctor visit is scheduled, the
doctor comes to the cell. After a routine search and restraints procedure
on the inmate the doctor conducts the examination. At no time are the
restraints removed, and the examination is conducted in the presence of
guards, precluding any privacy.
The social isolation, the absence of stimulation, that segregated inmates
at Red Onion experience is profound. For all but five hours a week they
are cut off from all other inmates, unable to see anyone other than staff
who bring them their food or provide escort service or the fleeting periodic
visits of medical staff or other prison personnel. There are no programs
or activities other than the GED course or religious tapes on television.
Inmates who are literate can read? if they can obtain books (there is no
functioning library yet at the facility). They can write letters. If they
are able to afford it, they may purchase a 5" (no bigger) television?which
can be taken away for misconduct and a radio. Their visits are restricted
to one visit per week for one hour.
In many super-maximum security facilities across the country, segregated
inmates are able to acquire additional privileges and freedoms through
periods of good behavior or by completing program requirements (e.g., anger
management or substance abuse courses). No such system exists at Red Onion.
Inmates who maintain perfectly clear conduct records at Red Onion are
subject to the same harsh regime as those who continue to violate
disciplinary rules.
Social isolation and confinement in a small space can be physically and
mentally dangerous and destructive to the persons subjected to it,
particularly if endured for protracted periods. 22 Even persons who are
mentally healthy can be damaged or incapacitated in segregation and can
lose their ability to function in ordinary settings, to govern their behavior
and make positive choices, and to interact with other people. Prolonged
confinement in isolation can also provoke symptoms usually associated
with psychosis or severe disorders including perceptual distortions and
hallucinations, delusional states, hypersensitivity to external stimuli,
difficulties with thinking, and panic attacks. Such symptoms can be
provoked in healthy personalities, but prisoners who enter segregation
with preexisting psychiatric disorders are at even higher risk of suffering
psychological deterioration and psychiatric harm. The periods of
recreation with other inmates undoubtedly offset the harm somewhat, but to
an unknown extent.
Mentally Ill Inmates
Mentally ill inmates should not be confined for prolonged periods in
super-maximum security conditions, particularly those that exist in
segregation at Red Onion. The conditions of isolation, enforced idleness,
surveillance and control pose serious risks of aggravating their symptoms
and precipitating psychiatric decompensation. 23 Although some mentally
ill offenders are assaultive and require control measures, much of the
regime common to extended control facilities may be unnecessary, and even
counterproductive, for this population, according to the National
Institute of Corrections. 24
Inmates with serious mental illness are nonetheless sent to Red Onion and
are housed both in general population and segregation.
25 Due to the DOC?s
non-cooperation we do not have reliable figures on the number of mentally
ill inmates at the facility. One inmate told us that in his pod of twenty-two
men, three were on psychotropic medication, and he thought at least two
more acted in ways that, as a lay person, seemed to him to indicate
mental health problems.
Proper mental health screening and monitoring are crucial for inmates sent
to supermax confinement. 26 It is our understanding, however, that no
special mental health evaluations are undertaken for each inmate sent to
Red Onion. Nor, apparently, is there monitoring that would permit the
prompt identification of new or exacerbated mental health problems and timely
intervention.
Treatment of mental illness at Red Onion consists primarily of psychotropic
medications. Once a week a psychologist checks in on inmates receiving
medication. Privacy and confidentiality are nonexistent: the conversation
take place at the cell front, with guards and other inmates listening.
The visits are generally fleeting, consisting of a question "How are you
doing, any problems", and then the psychologist is on to the next cell.
For inmates in segregation there is no therapy other than medication.
Although placement in segregation is for an indefinite period and can
last for years, mental health personnel have told inmates that because ?this
is a behavioral control unit, there is no mental
health treatment here.?
V. ADMISSION AND RELEASE
Physical conditions and policies at Red Onion were ostensibly designed
with ?superpredators? in mind? violent, incorrigible inmates who cannot be
safely confined in less secure facilities. Yet it appears that the DOC
has diluted the concept of who requires assignment to Red Onion. The DOC
is in fact willing to send men there who could and should be housed in less
restrictive environments. Every indication is that this trend will accelerate
now that the state is also trying to fill Wallens Ridge. Governor James
Gilmore stated on April 9, 1999 that felons caught with guns who qualify for
a five-year mandatory sentence would be eligible for incarceration in Red
Onion or Wallens Ridge. Public officials in Virginia thus appear to be
adjusting supermax housing criteria not to reflect genuine security and
management needs but simply to fill what would otherwise be half empty?but
very expensive?facilities.
A basic premise of contemporary corrections is that every prisoner should be
housed in the lowest security and custody level suitable for adequate
supervision and the protection of staff, other inmates and the community.
Indeed, the DOC operating procedures provide that no inmate will be
maintained in a more secure status than that which his behavior, risk
potential and treatment needs indicate. 27 Ensuring that inmates are
not subjected to restrictions that are not reasonably necessary for safety
or security is cost-efficient and consistent with common sense and legitimate
correctional objectives. It is counterproductive to use supermax facilities
for inmates for whom lesser levels of control may be
satisfactory [when to do so] may deprive them of freedoms, education,
treatment, and work opportunities from which they could reap significant
benefits and which may subject them to pressures detrimental to their
physical and psychological health. 28
Avoiding the unnecessary use of supermax confinement is also dictated
by fundamental human rights principles. As stated in the Standard Minimum
Rules, prisons should be operated with ?no more restriction than is
necessary for safe custody and well-ordered community life.
29 To subject
inmates to extremely harsh conditions depriving them of freedoms and
privileges ordinarily available in prison without adequate justification
constitutes treatment that violates the basic dignity of inmates and
their right to be free of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. We do
not consider the DOC's desire to fill expensive prisons a sufficient
justification for sending men to Red Onion (or Wallens Ridge, for that
matter) if they do not otherwise require stringent controls.
The DOC instituted a new six-tiered classification system in November
1998 and is currently reclassifying inmates under the new system.30
Level 6 facilities?Red Onion and Wallens Ridge?are the most restrictive
and secure. Inmate custody levels are determined through a scoring
system that assigns points for such factors as history of institutional
violence, severity of current commitment offense, escape history, length
of time remaining to serve, and age, among others. According to the new
classification procedures, assignment to Red Onion requires a score of
thirty-four points or more. A discretionary override for certain factors
is permissible that would increase (or decrease) the security level.
(According to classification experts, discretionary overrides should
only increase/decrease a security level by one class.) According to the
DOC?s Institutional Assignment Criteria, the profile of an inmate classified
for a Level 6 facility is ?disruptive, assaultive; severe behavior problems;
predatory-type behavior; escape risks. 31
Once an inmate has been sent to Red Onion he can be confined there
indefinitely. DOC classification criteria provide that inmates must
maintain at least twenty-four months with no disruptive behavior? prior
to consideration for a transfer to a less secure facility.
32 There is
no guarantee, however, that even maintaining clear conduct will enable
an inmate to be reclassified to a lower security level facility and to be
transferred from Red Onion. The decision is at the
discretion of the warden.
The DOC has not publicly released information on the statistical profile
of the men who have been sent to Red Onion. We have not seen, for example,
any summary of the classification results or other data on the institutional
history and security and custody requirements of Red Onion?s inmates.
The DOC has stated that approximately 50 percent are there because of
their behavior. We do not know whether those inmates have in fact
accumulated the thirty-four points required in the classification system
or have demonstrated that behind bars they are chronically violent or
assaultive or otherwise severely threatening to the orderly operation
of less secure institutions.33 The DOC has not indicated, for example,
how many have assaulted staff or inmates.
Several dozen men were sent to Red Onion when the facility opened to serve
as a work cadre providing inmate labor. Although these inmates did not
require Level 6 security, they have nevertheless been subjected to the
same restrictions as all other inmates at Red Onion, and they do not have
the privileges, freedoms, activities and freedom of movement they had at
their previous facilities. The DOC told Human Rights Watch that it did
not have a definite timetable for removing these men from Red Onion and
returning them to more appropriate facilities, although this could possibly
occur in the next few months. 34
Based on Mr. Angelone's comments as reported in the press, it appears that
about half the population at Red Onion has been sent there simply on the
basis of a lengthy (eighty-five or more years) sentence. We understand
that men who enter the custody of the DOC with lengthy sentences are being
sent directly to Red Onion from the receiving facility regardless of their
security score. 35 We consider this practice indefensible, particularly
in a state in which lengthy sentences are commonplace.
Mr. Angelone has stated, [F]or such an inmate you don?t need to find out
if his behavior is good or bad. 36 This view is not shared by most of his
profession. Indeed, corrections professionals know
that many perhaps most inmates who have been sentenced to long prison
terms even for violent crimes are not management problems. (Indeed, most
inmates in prison systems are well-behaved; they want to do their time and
get on with their lives.) The usual practice in many jurisdictions is to
place inmates in the general population of maximum security facilities if
they have been convicted, for example, of murder and have life sentences.
They are then reclassified after a year or so, and depending on their
behavior may be transferred to less restrictive facilities.
The decision to use length of sentence as a basis for assignment to Red
Onion is particularly difficult to justify in the case of inmates who were
already behind bars before Red Onion opened and who have demonstrated by
their actual behavior that they are not violent or difficult inmates
requiring the extensive controls of a supermax. Yet we have received
various complaints from inmates in just this situation. One inmate with a
life sentence, for example, had spent six infraction-free years in prison
only to be transferred to Red Onion. One inmate told HRW that he was sent
to Red Onion even though he had a classification score of eighteen and had
gone years without any infractions. Another said he had been behind bars
for twenty years on a life sentence and had no record of violent conduct,
yet he too was sent to Red Onion. Another inmate told HRW he was sent to
Red Onion even though he had an impeccable institutional record. When
he asked DOC personnel why he had been transferred they merely told me
because of the length of my sentence (life plus fifty years) and also because
I was an in-fill inmate. In other words, they did not have enough
assaultive disruptive inmates in the prison system to fill Red Onion.
They have lied to the public about the need for these
prisons in Virginia.
That Virginia does not have enough inmates who have displayed dangerous
conduct to fill Red Onion and Wallens Ridge should come as no surprise.
Virginia has never had a particularly violent inmate population. In fiscal
year 1997, the DOC had only 72 assaults on staff and 86 on inmates out of
a total prison population of 28,034.37 The total beds at Red Onion and
Wallens Ridge constitute 6 to 8 percent of Virginia's projected prison
population. 38 We are not aware of any DOC analysis that indicated such
a high percentage of the state prison population could reasonably be expected
to need super-maximum security confinement. On January 1, 1997, for
example, Virginia had 852 inmates in administrative segregation, or 3.5
percent of its total prison population. 39
Before Red Onion opened, the DOC retained a national expert in
classification systems, James Austin, to undertake a classification
review of its prison population. The study analyzed such factors as
history of institutional violence, severity of current and prior
offenses, escape history, and institutional
disciplinary records. 40
The study showed that while a relatively large number of Virginia inmates
have been convicted of crimes that earn long sentences (in large part
because of the abolition of parole), few engage in institutional violence
or escapes. According to Mr. Austin, Virginia does not have a prison
population with high levels of assaultive behavior. It is the length of
sentences that gives Virginia its high proportion of maximum security
inmates. 41 Austin's analysis showed that only .9 percent of male
inmates who had been in prison a year or longer had prison histories
of assault and battery with a weapon; only .7 percent had escape histories.
Only 1.6 percent would be reclassified to maximum security because of
institutional misconduct (as opposed to other factors such as severity
of commitment offense).
VI. THE USE OF SEGREGATION
Traditionally, segregation has been a punitive measure imposed for a
set period of time, after a disciplinary hearing, as punishment for
misconduct. In Virginia, as in all other states, authorities are
increasingly utilizing indefinite administrative segregation as a
custodial management tool. Whether in disciplinary or administrative
segregation, the conditions for inmates are the
essentially the same.
Administrative segregation, however, provides prison administrators
with much greater flexibility, and decisions to impose it are subject
to little scrutiny from the courts.
Because of the potential for abuse and the hardship on inmates, it is
essential that careful standards and safeguards for the use of
administrative segregation be developed and applied. The DOC's
segregation policy does not enumerate clear criteria. It gives wide
latitude to facility administrators to determine whom they choose to
place in segregation, stating merely: ?Examples of inmates assigned to
segregation ordinarily include inmates presenting chronic behavior
problems or those who present a serious threat to themselves
or to others.
They may be severe escape risks or seriously aggressive individuals.?42
This statement would permit, for example, the placement in segregation of
mentally ill inmates as well as nuisance inmates who are nonviolent but who
repeatedly violate minor rules. It is our understanding that placement
in segregation at another facility does not automatically mean placement
in segregation upon transfer to Red Onion. Similarly, prior placement in
general population is not a guarantee that transfer to Red Onion will be
to general population there. The decision about whether an inmate is placed
in segregation is made at the institution.
The DOC has not made public any information on the profile of inmates in
segregation at Red Onion. We are aware of at least one inmate who does
not meet reasonable criteria for being confined in prolonged social
isolation with extreme security controls. Although a due process hearing
is supposed to be held prior to assignment to segregation?and inmates may
apparently grieve segregation decisions the lack of any clear criteria
preclude successful inmate challenges.
Segregation in Virginia is indefinite. DOC policies provide no guidance
on permissible length of time in segregation. Inmates do not know what, if
anything, they can do to secure their release to general population.
While the DOC?s operating procedure mandates periodic reviews of an inmate?s
placement in segregation, it does not specify criteria for guiding the
institution?s decision-making process. Nor does it affirm the goal of
safely transferring inmates to lesser custody as soon as
feasible.
During the first sixty days of confinement in segregation at Red Onion,
an inmate is reviewed once a week by the treatment program supervisor
who acts as the Institutional Classification Authority (ICA). After that
the review is every thirty days. In practice, the ?review? consists of a
brief meeting at the cell door. The ICA makes a recommendation to the
warden, who has final decision over whether an inmate will be released to
general population. Inmates assert that they are not told and do not know
what -- if anything -- they can do to hasten release from segregation.
Inmates in theory can appeal the decision through the grievance procedure,
but such grievances go nowhere.
Ordinarily, prison inmates prefer general population to segregation. At
Red Onion, however, inmates find it a close call. Inmates in general
population are double-celled, the amount of out-of-cell time in general
population is not that much greater than for segregation, and in general
population inmates are exposed to trigger happy guards. As one inmate
wrote to Human Rights Watch, Frankly, in many ways, it is safer to be in
the segregation unit than in the so-called general population. Inmate on
inmate violence virtually does not exist [at Red Onion]. Inmate on guard
violence virtually does not exist here. Guard on inmate
violence is high.
VII. STAFF-PRISONER RELATIONS
Conditions in super-maximum security prisons tend to foster unusually
hostile relations between prisoners and guards. The simple fact that
prisoners have been labeled the ?worst of the worst and are subject to
extreme controls and have minimal and highly structured interaction with
staff encourages correctional officers to view them in a dehumanizing way
and to treat them more harshly.
The quality of staff in a super-maximum security facility is,
therefore, the single most important factor in ensuring safe, secure,
and humane operations. 43 In addition to personal qualities, it is
important that the facility have a diverse workforce with an appropriate
racial, ethnic and gender balance. Racial and ethnic balance is critical
in the minimization of anger, creation of perceptions of fairness, providing
equity in interpersonal dialogue with under-represented inmate groups in
the population, and maintaining cultural sensitivity.
44
The preponderance of inmates at Red Onion are black, and the staff is almost
entirely white, drawn from the rural coal-mining area in which the prison
is located. Many of the staff have family or community ties with each other.
They have had little or no direct contact with blacks before beginning
work at Red Onion.
We do not know what selection process or special training the DOC has
provided staff at Red Onion. Inmates assert that many of the staff are
respectful and professional. But they also describe some officers as
determined to show ?they can be badder than we are.? These officers are
quick to use derogatory terms and slurs, quick to use force, quick to
impose their authority unnecessarily and capriciously. One inmate
described to HRW the relations between staff and inmates as follows: ?The
guards are young?for the most part and possess the mentality of juveniles?as
do most of the prisoners and they are into the macho mentality?as are most
of the prisoners. The two do not mix well.?
Tensions and misunderstandings perhaps inevitably arise from a clash of
cultures in which both black prisoners and white staff hold misconceptions
and believe in caricatures about the other. But in a well-run facility
with appropriate staff selection, training and supervision, those tensions
can be minimized and kept from escalating into provocation, confrontations
and violence. Unfortunately, white and black inmates alike at Red Onion
describe an atmosphere of pervasive and blatant racism. Inmates claim that
officers routinely use such terms as boy and nigger. One white inmate
told HRW that an officer said to him, with reference to a black inmate
with a reputation for sexual misbehavior, What do you expect from a fucking
nigger? Another white inmate wrote to HRW that he had talked with an officer
escorting him about a shooting. He described the officer as so excited
about being able to shoot niggers...[H]e couldn?t wait to shoot some of
them black bastards. A black inmate wrote HRW the
following:
One night...this sergeant on the mid-night shift knocks on my door.
He stated that he had found my baby picture, and being that I was locked-up
[in segregation unit] and my personal property was badly handled I asked
for it. What he revealed was a computer like print out of a doctor
holding a black male child by the feet with a very
large penis.
Another black inmate wrote to a family member:
The treatment of brothers is inhuman and words alone cannot explain it.
Imagine, if you can, creating an atmosphere of so-called criminals
(mostly black) who is considered less than human, who has no outside
support to hear his cry. Place him in an environment where he is governed
by staff (all whites) whose only contact of blacks has been though
media propaganda etc.
A third black inmate describes staff-inmate relations
as follows:
White guards constantly try to provoke black prisoners into physical
altercations by calling them boys, hollering at them to get their
attention, pointing the gun at their backs, threatening them. These guards
have shot more black prisoners, more warning shots for the least little
actions by black prisoners....
VIII. USE OF FORCE
Inmates learn the role use of force plays in the management of Red
Onion as soon as they arrive:
When I was taken out of the transport van I had two stun guns placed
against my body and was told that if I didn?t do what I was told, I
would be shot from one of the gun posts located throughout Red Onion.
I was told by [a lieutenant], We will kill you here, so don?t mess
up.?
To date, nobody has been killed at Red Onion. But Red Onion is a facility
that appears to be managed by reliance on the continual threat and actual
use of physical force, including firearms, electronic stun devices,
chemical sprays and restraints. From the information available to us,
it seems that physical force is used unnecessarily and excessively at
Red Onion. Inmates claim that they are shot at, shocked with electronic
stun devices, beaten, and strapped down for trivial nonviolent actions,
e.g., moving slowly on the yard, yelling in the cells, refusing to
return a paper cup. Instances of use of force at Red Onion do not appear
to reflect a realistic evaluation of the actual need for a particular
level of force. One inmate described to Human Rights Watch the prevailing
ethos at Red Onion in the following terms: "You will do as you are told,
when you are told, how you are told, forever as long as you are told or you
will be shocked, shot, beaten or otherwise maimed, injured or killed, do
you understand, Boy?"
Some of these use of force incidents occur under the pretext of addressing
legitimate security concerns but appear, in fact, to be calculated efforts
to punish or deter misconduct?neither of which is a permissible reason for
using force. 45 Similarly, we have been told of instances in which an
application of force is initiated for legitimate reasons but then escalates
to a level that is out of proportion to the objective risks presented by the
inmate. 46
The use of physical force to control prisoners is an inevitable part of
prison administration. Sound and widely accepted corrections principles
sanctioned by law, however, mandate that force be used only when necessary,
and only to the degree necessary, to bring an inmate or inmates under
control or to restore order to a facility. 47 The goal should be to
minimize harm to inmates and staff by using the least amount of force
that will be effective. Lethal force, in particularly, should not be used
except as a last resort, when less life-threatening alternatives do not or
cannot be expected to succeed and when there is an immediate threat of death
or great bodily injury or dangerous escape.
A well-run prison with adequate numbers of trained and properly supervised
staff and adequate policies should not have to resort to physical force
as frequently as appears to be the case at Red Onion. The DOC has not
released the number and kinds of use of force incidents that have occurred
at Red Onion since it opened. It also refused to provide Human Rights
Watch with a copy of its use of force policies. We thus do not know
whether staff at Red Onion are following or ignoring DOC policies when
they use force as the primary means of addressing inmate misconduct.
Statements by DOC spokesmen suggest the DOC believes that at Red Onion
breaking the rules any rule is sufficient justification for use of force,
including use of firearms. 48 Such a discredited philosophy has no place
in modern corrections.
Firearms
Most states prohibit firearms within prison facilities, even within
super-maximum security prisons. As one noted corrections expert
has stated, While firearms are appropriate and necessary in the perimeter
towers to deter escape, firearms are neither appropriate nor necessary
within the prison yard, and are especially inappropriate
within...housing units...[T]he use of firearms within prison walls
increases, rather than decreases, the risk of serious injury or death to
both inmates and staff.... 49 Mainstream American corrections has rejected
the use of firearms within prison walls because they are almost always
unnecessary?staff rarely need firearms to restore order, even when confronting
prisoners who are fighting. It is also extremely difficult to shoot
accurately at moving inmates, particularly under intense or traumatic
circumstances.
Virginia is one of three states in the nation in which firearms are
routinely carried or deployed within the prison perimeter.50 At Red
Onion, officers carry shotguns in the control rooms within the housing
units and in gunports overlooking the recreation yard. The first shot
is supposed to be a warning shot and is a blank. Live rounds are then
utilized. Red Onion officers fire rubber pellet stingers, rounds which
are considered non-lethal although they can inflict injury, particularly
if fired at close range or to the head. Inmates have claimed?but we have
not been able to confirm?that the officers are also equipped with No. 8
birdshot. 51 Shotguns firing birdshot are considered lethal weapons, even
though birdshot is typically only lethal if fired at
close range.
According to the press, Red Onion officers fired their weapons 63 times in
the nine months since the facility opened. 52
Ten inmates have been injured.
As of December, the rate of gunfire was five times that of the rest of the
state's prisons combined. 53 The DOC claims most of the shots were warning
shots. Reports from inmates and family members indicate that the level of
gunfire may have slowed down after widespread negative publicity in December
199854 but that the frequency has picked up again. In March there were
several incidents in which weapons were fired.
Anytime a firearm is discharged in the direction of a human being the
potential for injury or death is unleashed. Because of the danger,
use of force policies normally require that all reasonable means of
apprehension and control should be exhausted before even non-lethal
weapons are discharged. At Red Onion, however, officers discharge weapons
in fairly routine non-threatening situations. The use of force policy
appears to be: if an inmate disobeys an order, a warning shot is fired.
If the inmate continues to disobey, the inmate is fired at.
Inmates believe they may be shot for talking over the wall that separates
one recreation yard from another, for crossing the red line that is used
to mark areas of permissible inmate presence, for leaning against a wall,
for not moving quickly enough. 55 Whether true or not, this belief is
fostered by staff. An attorney who visited a client at Red Onion recounted
the following to Human Rights Watch : When I was being escorted through the
yard, the counselor noted some red lines painted on the concrete and told
me that, if any inmate crosses a red line, he is shot. She said that as
matter of factly as it she were telling me that they
have lunch at noon.
The DOC has acknowledged described three instances in which staff fired
shotguns at inmates during March 1999. According to press accounts based
on DOC information, on March 5, three inmates were fighting in a recreation
yard; they ignored an order to stop and ignored a warning round and further
verbal warnings. The gun post officer then fired a total of seven rounds
at the inmates? lower extremities. On March 17, an officer fired at the ?lower
extremities? of two inmates who were fighting in the segregation recreation
yard who had ignored verbal warnings and a warning shot. March 25, 1999 two
inmates were fighting in the recreation yard. After they ignored verbal
warnings and a warning shot, an officer fired a stinger round at their lower
extremities. The inmates then stopped fighting but refused to follow an order
to lie on the ground. The officer then fired another stinger round. One inmate
had superficial wounds; the other inmate had pellets lodged in his face and
had to be sent to a medical center. 56
What is remarkable about each of these incidents is the lack of any apparent
justification for firing at the inmates or for failing to use lesser means of
force to resolve the situation. Fights between unarmed inmates are
commonplace, everyday occurrences in prisons; across the country such
fights are usually quickly resolved through the simple intervention of
unarmed staff. In the March 25 incident, the shots were fired not only
to secure an end to the fight but to make inmates who were no longer
fighting lie down on the ground. Staff in the yard could have intervened
at that point (if not earlier) and obviated the need for additional use of
firearms. The incidents also show how easily injury can result from the
inaccurate shots that are almost inevitable in a
volatile situation.
We quote below from letters inmates have sent us describing incidents
which firearms were used at Red Onion. 57 In each case, there is no apparent
justification for the force that was used.
I witnessed another shooting incident...where the officer fired shots
because inmates didn't go to their rooms fast enough to suit the officer.
During this incident after firing the shotgun the staff then came in and
picked at random people to lock up for no reason. They proceeded to handcuff
and shackle these inmates, bodily carried them out by their arms and legs,
took them to the pod next door, threw them in the floor face first and beat,
kicked and shocked these inmates with stun guns.
58
? Today, another incident happened where there was again no probable cause
to shoot their guns...D6-pod was outside for recreation and playing basketball,
the inmates were struggling for the ball and one fell to the ground and all
of a sudden [the officer who was in the kitchen tower] shot his gun and
stated they were fighting. There were no punches thrown nor was there any
inmate harmed and/or bruised. Also the guard in D0-1 tower shot his gun
just for the sake of shooting.
The entire D-6 pod was outside for recreation and [the officer] was
stationed in D&C unit tower, he called completion of recreational period,
in the process of inmates moving toward the unit, there were four and five
inmates slowly moving from the card tables, but they were off the white
concrete platform and on the grass moving to building D. All of a sudden
[the officer] shot the gun and then [an officer in another tower] sticks
his gun out and shoots, therefore two-three shots was fired simply because
inmate were not walking fast enough to their bldg.
I and another inmate were on rec yard A-2&3 when an inmate on rec yard
A-4, 5, 6 told us of an assault that was about to happen against another
inmate. About fifteen minutes later we hear the assault/fight start.
After ninety seconds to two minutes we hear a gun fired. As you know the
first shot is supposed to be a warning shot. After the first shot no
others are fired. We then heard officers enter the yard and handcuffs
clicking as the three inmates are removed. When my rec time was over I
was escorted back to my cell by [an officer]. The [officer] told me they
knew about the possibility of the assault before hand and gave me an account
of how it unfolded. He told me that they waited to fire the gun until one
of the inmates was down and not able to fight anymore.
While there I was shot at, or let's say a shot was fired because I was
gathering my deck of playing cards. Instead of the 8:00 pm lock down it was
called at 7:30 catching us off guard.
[An inmate] was jogging around the yard, he was wearing closed headphones
with walkman listening to a cassette while jogging. The order to move to the
opposite side of the yard did not come over any loud speaker or megaphone
device it was a shouted order from a gun port. The man never heard the order.
The first shot knocked him down. He jumped up not knowing why he was shot
and was shot again. No one's life was in danger. No staff or prisoner
was threatened by this man. In less than one minute he would have been on
the other side of the yard where other prisoners would have gotten his
attention. The man was jogging in a circle. Had he stopped, turned around,
and jogged in the opposite direction he would not have gotten to the other
side of the yard any faster! 59
Inmates have also told Human Rights Watch about the following instances when
weapons have been used unnecessarily:
An inmate was shot for refusing to allow himself to be cuffed and taken
from the shower. His ten minutes allotted shower time had expired but he
had not finished showering. He finished before the order to shoot was given,
but it was too late.
An inmate had an asthma attack in the mess hall. His roommate bent over
to help him. An officer started hollering although it was hard to understand
his words?and fired his gun a couple of times. Everyone lay down. The
roommate was subsequently beaten and the asthmatic
inmate kicked by officers.
An inmate was in the recreation yard doing exercises. When the officers
called the end of recreation, the inmate was not finished his jumping jacks
and did not want to stop. Officers fired at him,
although he was not hit.
? On the way to the shower a new arrival stopped to talk with an inmate in his
cell. The officer told him to move on. He apparently did not move, or did
not move fast enough, and he was shot at.
? An inmate waiting for the doors of his cell to be opened got some tobacco
from another inmate nearby. An officer fired
his weapon at him.
? Two inmates were fighting in their cell. An officer shot at the door to
stop them.
Misuse of Electronic Stun Devices and Other Abuses
Uniformed staff at Red Onion carry electronic stun devices that give
painful electric shocks either when pressed to the body ( the Ultron II)
or, in the case of tasers, through fired darts.
60 Inmates have asserted
to HRW that they have been subjected to taser shocks when fully restrained
and for a wide range of minor misconduct that poses no physical threat, e.g.
verbal insolence. As alleged, the incidents suggest that electronic stun
devices are being used as punishment, rather than for legitimate control
purposes.
One inmate told HRW that immediately upon arrival at Red Onion in September
1998, he and other inmates were told to strip and permit a visual body search,
including by spreading their buttocks. Female staff were present?indeed
one was taking a video of the proceedings?and the inmate was reluctant to do
as ordered in front of them. A captain shot him with the taser in the
presence of the warden, associate warden and a major. After the inmate had
been tasered, the major screamed in his ear, "Boy, you're at Red Onion now"
and then told the other officers to "get that nigger out of here." The inmate
filed a grievance because he felt correctly that he should not have had to
submit to a visual body search strip in front of
female staff.
The inmate's grievance was denied. The warden acknowledged that a taser had
been used because the inmate hesitated to strip and thus was failing to obey
instructions. The denial was upheld by the regional director without
comment based on the information provided. There was no effort to suggest
that application of physical force was warranted by any possibility of
danger or that non-physical efforts to persuade the inmate had been attempted
and failed.
61 The use of the taser appears more likely to have been a
deliberate and malicious excessive use of force calculated to intimidate
new arrivals to the facility. 62
In denying the inmate's grievance, Warden George Deeds stated that post orders
at Red Onion permit females to work at any post in this case, assignment to
the video camera. It is widely recognized, however, that cross-gender strip
searches violate inmates' individual dignity and right to privacy. The
warden?s policy at Red Onion ignores basic correctional principles
and international standards prohibiting cross-gender strip searches unless
in an emergency. 63
Other examples of the use of electronic stun devices that inmates have
recounted to Human Rights Watch include:
One man was shot with a taser while in his cell for refusing to return a
paper cup when ordered to do so. Restraints were then placed on his arms
and legs, securing and immobilizing him on his bed. (The use of four-point
restraints is discussed below.)
An inmate with a reputation for "pissing people off" was in his cell when
he told an officer that he wanted to have sex with her. The officer tasered
him through the food slot.
An inmate was tasered because he had his arm hanging through the food slot
and did not remove it fast enough when told to do so.
An inmate was kicking on his cell door because he wanted to make a phone
call. An officer came and told him to be quiet. The inmate said, "Bring
it on." Officers suited up for a cell extraction came to the cell front and
told the inmate to cuff up. The inmate complied. After he was handcuffed,
and while still in his cell, one of the officers then told him to step back
away from the door and shot him with a taser.
An inmate in segregation was kicking on his cell door and yelling.
A sergeant told him that if he ?didn?t stop kicking they?d fix it so he
couldn't kick no more. The inmate kicked and yelled a bit more and then
stopped. A team of officers suited up for a cell extraction came to his
cell door and asked if he would cuff up. When he refused, the officers
sprayed him with mace and tasered him. They then entered his cell and
restrained him. The inmate claims that after he was on the ground,
handcuffed and not resisting, he was shocked twice more. He was then
placed in a shower, which is the proper procedure after use of a
chemical weapon subsequently put in a strip cell with no mattress for
twenty-four hours.
In this incident, the taser was used as part of a cell extraction, a use
of force procedure in which a team of officers forcibly restrain an
inmate and remove him from his cell. Staff at Red Onion as at any prison?
are entitled to let inmates know that rules cannot be ignored without
consequence and to enforce prison rules through disciplinary
procedures. Cell extractions are security measures, not disciplinary
mechanisms, and they should be used only because of an imminent serious
risk to the safety and security of the institution. When cell extractions
are used to respond to relatively minor infractions that do not present
imminent security risks as would appear in the incident described
above?staff are simply inflicting physical punishment under the guise
of a security operation.
We have received a few complaints of beatings at Red Onion. One case was
brought to our attention by several inmates: an elderly inmate reportedly
threw a balled-up piece of paper at one of the sergeants, striking him on
his pants leg. That officer and several others rushed into the inmate?s
cell and beat him so badly that he had to stay at a hospital for a couple
of days. Upon his return he was placed in restraints.
64
Verbal threats are reportedly commonplace at Red Onion. For example, an
inmate wrote to HRW that in January, some inmates were
verbally "disrespecting the nurse" and she finally yelled loudly,
"Shut the fuck up." Several minutes later four officers came to the
inmate's cell, told him to cuff up, and then entered his cell. They
pushed him down onto his bed, and one of the officers stated that if I
bothered the nurse again he will come back and break every bone in my
body and if I think he was lying look into his eyes because he would eat
my eyeballs out of their socket.
Inmates also claim Red Onion staff abuse restraint equipment and strip cells,
using them maliciously as punishment even though such use is prohibited.
Four- and five-point65 restraints immobilize an inmate on a bed. They should
only be used in extreme circumstances when an inmate left unrestrained
poses a serious risk of injury to himself or to others and when other types
of restraints are ineffective?and for no more time than is absolutely
necessary.
66 Inmates assert, however, that staff at Red Onion place men
in restraints as retaliation for misbehavior, e.g. throwing juice on an
officer. [E]veryone here knows it's for punishment. They also assert that
inmates are kept in restraints for arbitrary time periods eight hours,
seventy-two hours regardless of the inmates? condition or the need for
such control. Inmates have similarly complained that strip cells containing
no furnishings, bedding or equipment are used as punishment. The degrading
nature of unnecessary strip cell confinement is heightened by officers?
refusal to provide toilet paper when needed.
When an HRW attorney met with inmates at Red Onion, the inmates had to wear
50,000-volt stun belts even though they were shackled and handcuffed. They
were told that if they stood up the belts would be activated by a remote
transmitter. Prison staff felt the belts were necessary because the HRW
representative was meeting with inmates in a room without presence of officers
and with no physical barrier between her and the inmates. Given the
restraints on the inmates and the presence of guards immediately outside the
room who were watching the meeting through a window in the door, the use of
stun belts seems excessive. One inmate believed they were used deliberately
to intimidate inmates who were speaking with HRW. An inmate who had wanted
to meet with HRW did not because he was too upset by the prospect of wearing
the stun belt.
1 Human Rights Watch has reported on prison conditions and assessed the
extent to which prisoners? internationally guaranteed human rights are
protected in numerous countries including Brazil, Egypt, Hong Kong, India,
Indonesia, Israel and the Occupied Territories, Japan, Mexico, Poland,
South Africa, the former Soviet Union, Spain, Turkey, the United Kingdom,
the United States, and Venezuela, among others.
2 Throughout this report, we include information and quotes from the more
than thirty inmates whom we have interviewed or from whom we have received
written communications. To protect their privacy and to prevent the
possibility of reprisals, we do not attribute information to specific inmates,
nor do we identify any of our sources by name. We also do not include the
names of individual officers identified by inmates as having engaged in abusive
conduct. The purpose of our research into conditions at Red Onion has not
been to ?name names? or to document in detail individual instances of alleged
misconduct by staff but to alert the DOC of the need to take more seriously
its obligations to ensure humane conditions through appropriate policies,
staff supervision, and internal disciplinary
investigations and procedures.
3 There was widespread media attention in Virginia to the DOC?s refusing Human
Rights Watch access to Red Onion. Shortly thereafter, the DOC granted a
reporter from The Washington Post the opportunity to interview the warden
and speak with some inmates there.
4 A Human Rights Watch representative met with Gene Johnson, the DOC?s deputy
director of operations, and a representative from the DOC?s legal staff on
February 24, 1999. They were unable, however, to give specific answers to
many questions about policies and procedures at Red Onion. The DOC responded
to an initial document request by passing on a few department-wide policy
statements; other information was denied, including a description of use of
force policies and principles and a profile of inmates at Red Onion. We have
still not received a response to a second request for documents sent on
March 17, 1999 to Director Ronald Angelone.
5 Seventy of the inmates are from the District of Columbia, pursuant to
a contract between the Virginia and District of Columbia departments of
corrections.
6 National Institute of Corrections (NIC), Supermax Prisons: Overview and
General Considerations, (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ),
April 1999), p.2. The National Institute of Corrections is preparing a
publication that will address legal issues raised by super-maximum security
facilities.
7 Human Rights Watch is currently researching an analysis of the human rights
implications of super-maximum security confinement nationwide. See also:
Cold Storage. Human Rights Watch, Cold Storage: Super-Maximum Security
Confinement in Indiana (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1997).
8 We understand that the facility is also supposed to have ?transition units?
but that many of the cells in the transition pods are being used for
segregation.
9 The predominant view in the corrections field is that inmates who are so
dangerous or disruptive as to require being confined in their cells most of
the day should not be double-celled. Virginia, like some other states,
has nonetheless used double cells at Red Onion to save expenses. This is
ironic, perhaps, given that many question the need for the combined number
of supermax beds available at Red Onion and Wallens Ridge.
10 NIC, Supermax Prisons, p.14.
11 Some inmates apparently pass on recreation simply to be able to have some
time alone without their cellmates.
12 According to inmates, toilet paper is rationed: two people receive two rolls
that must last for seven days. ?If you run out you?re
out of luck.?
13 It takes eight hours, for example, to drive to Red Onion from Richmond.
Roanoke, the closest city, is almost four hours away by car.
14 In other words, an inmate can receive a hundred-page letter, but he
cannot receive a one-page letter with fifteen pages of photocopied material
enclosed.
15 VA DOC, DOP 832: Programs, August 1, 1998.
16 A Catholic inmate was denied access to a priest and the sacraments because
it was deemed a ?security risk?.
17 Margaret Edds, ?Punishing Crime; ?Supermaxes? Deserve Super Scrutiny,?
The Virginian-Pilot, January 10, 1999.
18 Craig Timberg, ?At Va.?s toughest Prison, Tight controls,? Washington Post,
April 18, 1999.
19 The ICCPR requires the ?the reform and social readaptation of prisoners?
to be the essential aim of any prison system. ICCPR, Article 10(3). According
to the Standard Minimum Rules, prison systems ?should utilize all the
remedial, educational, moral, spiritual, and other forces and forms of
assistance which are appropriate and available, and should seek to apply
them according to the individual treatment needs of the prisoners.?
Standard Minimum Rules, Article 59.
20 We do not have a precise figure for the number of inmates in segregation
at Red Onion. We have been told variously that the figure is anywhere
from 200 to over 300.
21 In some super-maximum security facilities, security measures are decreased
for inmates who demonstrate good conduct over a period of time. Carrying
stun devices during routine escort procedures is unusual and violates
international standards See Standard Minimum Rules,
Article 54 (3), ?Except in special circumstances,
staff performing duties which bring them into direct
contact with prisoners should not be armed. Furthermore,
staff should in no circumstances be provided with arms
unless they have been trained in their use.?
22 See, e.g.,Human Rights Watch, Cold Storage; Haney, Craig and Mona Lynch,
?Regulating Prisons of the Future: A Psychological Analysis of Supermax and
Solitary Confinement,? New York University Review of Law & Social Change,
XXIII, no. 4 (1997); Madrid v. Gomez, 889 F. Supp. 1146 (N.D. Cal. 1995)
(court rules super-maximum security confinement of mentally ill is
unconstitutional as cruel and unusual punishment).
23 International standards provide that mentally ill inmates should e treated
in specialized institutions under medical management. Standard Minimum Rules,
Article 82 (1).
24 NIC, Supermax Prisons, p. 13. ?Extended control facility? is another term
for ?supermax prison?.
25 DOC policy permits the placement of mentally ill inmates in Level 6
facilities with the exception of inmates with ?severe? impairments. We do
not know how the DOC defines ?severe? in practice.
26 Human Rights Watch, Cold Storage. NIC, Supermax Prisons.
27 VA DOC, DOP 823-4.0.
28 NIC, Supermax Prisons, p. 6.
29 Standard Minimum Rules, Article 27.
30 Most jurisdictions today have adopted objective classification systems by
which prison authorities determine, based on an inmate?s prior behavior and
other relevant factors, the level of supervision and control the inmate requires.
Length of sentence and even nature of commitment offense are factors that
are considered, but they are by no means the sole factors. Indeed, although
the public often is unaware of this fact, many persons who have committed
serious crimes and who have long sentences are not dangerous or problem
inmates, e.g., inmates who assault or prey upon other
inmates or staff.
31 VA DOC, Institutional Assignment Criteria, October 1998.
32 Disruptive is defined as conviction for the most serious disciplinary
offenses, an attempt at one of these violations or a pattern of convictions
that indicate ?significant suitability?. Ibid.
33 We have noted a tendency in other jurisdictions with supermax facilities
for prison officials to use them for nuisance inmates, for inmates who commit
frequent but minor disciplinary infractions or others who do not reasonably
require such extensive restrictions on their movement and
activities.
34 HRW meeting with Gene Johnson at the DOC on February
24, 1999.
35 The security-level classification procedures and criteria issued in October
and November of 1998 contain a requirement that any inmate with more than
twenty years to serve must be classified to at least a Level 3 facility.
DOP 823 823-7.1. They do not provide the for the automatic designation of
persons with long sentences to a Level 6 facility.
VA DOC, DOP 823.
36 Laurence Hammack, ?ACLU Questions Inmate Placement at Red Onion,? The
Roanoke Times, Jan 3, 1999.
37 VA DOC, Offender Statistical Summary FY 97.
38 At one point, officials were predicting a total
prison population of
40,000. Thirty thousand is now considered a more
reasonable estimate.
39 Camille Graham Camp and George M. Camp, The Corrections Yearbook,
(South Salem, NY: Criminal Justice Institute, Inc., 1997) Virginia had the
tenth-highest percentage of inmates in administrative segregation. The
national average was 2.8 percent.
40 The DOC provided a copy of the classification analysis to Human Rights
Watch in response to our request.
41 Telephone conversation with James Austin, professor, Institute on Crime,
Justice and Corrections, George Washington University, Washington, D.C. on
April 14, 1999. According to the DOC's Offender Statistical Survey FY 1997,
as of June 30, 1997 Virginia had a maximum security population of 34 percent
of the prison system. The national average was 12.3 percent. The percentage
of Virginia?s inmate population in maximum security was the third-highest
in the country. Camille and George Camp, Corrections
Yearbook, p.16.
42 VA DOC, DOP 822-7.4: Isolation, Segregation, and
Detention, April 16, 1992.
43 NIC, Supermax Prisons, p. 16. [S]taff should possess the characteristics
of maturity, intelligence and good judgment, and?at least for custody
positions?be physically capable of performing the rigorous duties required
of them. They should be even-tempered, consistent, and capable of
respecting diversity in the inmate population...a mismatch of skill,
experiences, interests, and temperament can negatively impact the operation
of the facility and can create a dangerous situation, [and] hinder the
adjustment of the inmates to difficult
conditions....? Ibid.
44 Ibid., p. 17.
45 Corporal punishment is prohibited by the U.S. constitution and
international human rights treaties. As a noted expert on prisons and
use of force has noted, however, ?Physical force applied under the guise
of a necessary security control tactic can be?and is?employed to circumvent
the constitutional prohibition on such physical punishments.? Steve Martin,
?Sanctioned Violence in American Prisons,? a chapter in the forthcoming John
May, ed., Building Violence: How America?s Rush to Incarcerate Creates More
Violence (Sage Publications).
46 One inmate speculated that much of the abuse of force is due to
inexperienced officers. As he wrote to Human Rights Watch:
These one-stripe officers haven't the experience with prisoners, and
problem solving is nonexistent. These guys are young and think they have
a free hand in the use of force because superiors will back them up. They
are looking for action and disregard any communication skills they may
have learned. I have noticed that older one-stripers get more respect from
inmates because they are not as cocky as the younger ?one-stripers? and don?t
act as if they have to prove they are bad-asses. I often think that the
younger c/os [officers] come off as trying to be a bad ass because of fear.
They have been told we?re the meanest that Virginia has to offer and they
are scared.
47 e.g., Standard Minimum Rules, Article 54 (1), ?Officers who have recourse to
force must use no more than is strictly necessary.
48 Frank Green, ?7 Fighting Inmates Fired On; Most Wounds at Red Onion Minor,?
The Richmond Times Dispatch, April 7, 1999.
49 Declaration of Charles Fenton provided in Madrid v. Gomez. Fenton is a
retired federal warden and frequent expert witness for departments of
corrections defending against prison conditions lawsuits. In Madrid v. Gomez,
however, he was an expert for plaintiffs.
50 California and Nevada are the other two. Firearms were introduced into
Virginia's prisons by Director Angelone, who before coming to Virginia had
been head of the Nevada Department of Corrections.
51 The DOC has not responded to our April 9 inquiry regarding the alleged
use of birdshot.
52 Craig Timberg, At Va.'s Toughest Prison, Tight Controls, The Washington
Post, April 18, 1999. See also, Frank Green, 7 Fighting Inmates Fired On,
The Richmond Times Dispatch, April 7, 1999.
53 Frank Green, Inmates, Critics Question Firearm Use at Red Onion Supermax
Prison, The Richmond Times Dispatch, December 24, 1998.
54 One inmate told Human Rights Watch: When the place first opened, they
were shooting a lot of inmates for petty reasons or no reasons at all and
beating up inmates right when they arrived. But there was some bad media
coverage on this place so now it's pretty quiet here.
55 One inmate wrote to HRW, I have witnessed them shooting guns for no
reason other than someone did not respond to an order quickly enough to
suit them. In two months, in my pod alone...they have fired the gun three
times not one of those instances being to prevent
or stop an assault.
56 Frank Green, 7 Fighting Inmates Fired On. Inmates have also
written to HRW describing these incidents.
57 We have quoted verbatim the language used by the inmates, but have
deleted names and corrected misspelling.
58 Ibid.
59 DOC's version of incident reported by Frank Green, ?Inmates, Critics
Question Firearm Use at Red Onion Supermax,? The Richmond Times Dispatch,
December 24, 1998. The inmate who described the incident to Human Rights
Watch noted that the press was unable to obtain a complete understanding
of what happened because the DOC would not let them interview the inmates
involved.
60 A taser is an electrical gun that shoots darts up to a range of 15 feet.
The darts can deliver up to 50,000 volts and temporarily incapacitate the
victim. The extremely painful shock from a taser has been been described
as resembling being hit on the back with a four-by-four by Arnold
Schwarzenegger.Madrid v. Gomez, 889 F. Supp. at 1175.
61 Copies of the inmate?s grievance and official responses are on file at
Human Rights Watch.
62 Other inmates also described to HRW the treatment they received upon
immediate arrival at Red Onion, including being yelled at, threatened, and
shoved, all in an atmosphere calculated to impress upon them that they
were at Red Onion now.
63 American Correctional Association (ACA), 1998 Standards Supplement,
(ACA: Laurel, MD, 1998), Standard 3-4186, p. 29. General Comment 16 to
Article 7, ?Compilation of General Recommendations Adopted by Human Rights
Treaty Bodies, U.N. Document HRI/GEN/Rev.1, July 29, 1994. (So far as
personal and body searches are concerned, effective measures should ensure
that such searches are carried out in a manner consistent with the dignity
of the person who is being searched. Persons being
subjected to body searches
by State officials, or medical personnel acting at the request of the State,
should only be examined by persons of the same sex.) Most courts have
recognized that inmates should be protected from unwarranted intrusions on
their privacy by guards of the opposite sex. See, generally, Human Rights
Watch, All Too Familiar: Sexual Abuse of Women in U.S. State Prisons,
(New York: Human Rights Watch, 1996), pp. 28-30 and passim.
64 Some of the inmates identified the precipitating event differently, e.g.
that the beating followed the inmate's refusal to return a cup from his food
tray.
65 Four-point: arms and legs are secured. The fifth restraint used at Red
Onion is a chest strap.
66 See Standard 3-4183-1 in ACA, 1998 Standards Supplement. ACA, 1996 Standards
Supplement, (ACA: Lanham, MD, 1996).